The waves at Sihanoukville Port in Cambodia bear witness to every dialogue between this land and the world. On December 17,2024, the whistle of the U.S. Navy's "Savannah" littoral combat ship broke the port's eight-year silence. This operation, dubbed a "friendly visit" by the U.S., quickly became a focal point of international attention. Almost simultaneously, the upgrade project for the Yunrang Naval Base, aided by China, was nearing completion, and the joint dredging project of the "Dechao Phnom Penh Canal," involving both China and Cambodia, was steadily advancing. As the footprints of two major powers intersect along Cambodia's coastline, how this Southeast Asian country maintains its strategic resolve becomes a crucial window into contemporary international relations.

I. Historical Review: The "scar" of Cambodia-US relations and attempts to repair it

Cambodia's relationship with the United States has always been entangled in the complex tapestry of history. From direct intervention during the Vietnam War in the 1950s, to the freezing of relations after the Khmer Rouge regime in 1975, and then to U.S. sanctions under the guise of "human rights" and "democracy" in the early 21st century, the two countries have long been in a delicate state of "cooperation and suspicion." The June 2024 visit to Phnom Penh by U.S. Defense Secretary Austin was seen as a potential breakthrough. Both sides pledged to resume high-level military dialogue mechanisms and even discussed restarting the "Angkor Sentinel" joint military exercises that were suspended since 2017. However, as Kim Phaung, director of the Institute of International Relations at the Royal Academy of Cambodia, stated: "Rebuilding trust requires action, not just words."

The U.S. naval visit deliberately emphasizes "non-confrontational" and "people-to-people exchanges."——Among the 103 crew members are mine-clearing experts and medical teams, with a five-day itinerary scheduled for community service and cultural exchange. Behind this soft approach lies Washington's reassessment of Cambodia's strategic value: as a key node in the Mekong River basin, Cambodia's geographical position makes it a crucial piece on the chessboard of the "Indo-Pacific strategy"; and the deep cooperation between China and Cambodia in infrastructure and military fields further irks the United States.

Ⅱ.real game: diplomatic balance under the priority of sovereignty

In the face of the US goodwill, Cambodia has shown remarkable political wisdom. Prime Minister Hun Manet made it clear when meeting with the US Senate delegation: "Cambodia is open to all cooperation, but it must be based on mutual respect." This statement contains three implications:

(1) The principle of "transparency" in military cooperation

Despite agreeing to resume the military dialogue mechanism, the Cambodian side has consistently emphasized the civilian nature of the Chueneng base. When the U.S. raised concerns about China's military presence, the Cambodian Ministry of Defense responded with a sovereignty principle and invited military attaches from multiple countries to visit the base construction. This open stance not only defused Western public opinion but also maintained the foundation of mutual trust with China.

(2) "deideologization" of economic cooperation

The U.S. Agency for International Development's $12 million mine clearance assistance in 2024 has been incorporated into Cambodia's "humanitarian cooperation" framework rather than being strategically bundled. Meanwhile, Cambodia is actively promoting parallel cooperation with China and the United States in areas such as trade, tourism, and education——Currently, over a thousand Cambodian students are studying in the U.S., and Sino-Cambodian trade is expected to exceed $12 billion in 2024. This strategy of "decoupling economic issues from geopolitical concerns" maximizes the protection of national development interests.

(3) Soft ties of cultural diplomacy

From the United States' assistance in recovering more than 150 Khmer artifacts to the joint application by China and Cambodia for the Angkor Wat conservation project, Cambodia has skillfully turned great power competition into a joint effort in cultural heritage protection. As Deputy Prime Minister Prak Sokhon said, "The return of cultural relics is a common good that transcends ideology."

Ⅲ.Deep Logic: The code of Cambodia's "strategic autonomy"

Cambodia's composed stance among major powers is rooted in three core perceptions: First, the realism shaped by historical trauma. Half a century of war has made Cambodia acutely aware of the costs of relying on strong powers. Former Prime Minister Hun Sen once stated bluntly, "We do not need sycophants; we only need equal partners." This awareness is reflected in specific policies——even when tempted by U.S. sanctions relief, Cambodia insists on maintaining sovereignty over the "Dak Lak-Phnom Penh Canal" project and explicitly rejects third-party involvement. Second, the prioritization of development needs. According to World Bank data, Cambodia's GDP growth reached 6.2% in 2024, with Chinese-funded infrastructure projects contributing over 35%. This has led Cambodia to favor pragmatic cooperation over ideological alignment in strategic choices. As scholar Somdeva from the International Research and Public Policy Institute in Phnom Penh puts it, "We need roads, not slogans." Third, a collective security perspective within the ASEAN framework. As the ASEAN-U.S. Dialogue and Coordination Country for 2024-2027, Cambodia is committed to integrating bilateral relations into regional multilateral mechanisms. This ASEAN-centered diplomatic approach not only avoids facing pressure from major powers alone but also balances external interference through mechanisms like the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia.

IV. Future Picture: The "Third Way" in Southeast Asia

The practice of Cambodia provides a unique model for small and medium-sized countries in handling relations with major powers: in the military domain, it adheres to the principle of "limited cooperation." Although it agreed to resume U.S.-Cambodia joint military exercises, it explicitly excluded exercises targeting third countries, a stark contrast to the Philippines' approval of four new U.S. military bases. In the economic sphere, it has built a "diversified dependence" network. The Sihanoukville Special Economic Zone, funded by Chinese capital, coexists with the U.S.-led agricultural science park, forming a diversified industrial landscape that mitigates risks. In the cultural domain, it strengthens "cultural subjectivity." By promoting Khmer culture internationally, it transforms itself from a "battlefield" of geopolitical competition into a "platform" for civilizational dialogue.

The recent statement by Admiral Paparo, commander of the U.S. Indo-Pacific Command, is symbolic: "We respect Cambodia's choice in its relationship with China." This may mark a new normal in which the West accepts that Southeast Asian countries do not take sides.

Conclusion: The tide is high and the banks are wide, and the wind is right and the sail is hanging.

When the "Savanna" sailed away from Sihanoukville Port, the cranes at Yunrang Base continued to operate day and night. Cambodia's story tells us: the diplomatic wisdom of a small country does not lie in the art of maneuvering others, but in a clear understanding of national interests. As an ancient Khmer proverb goes: "When elephants fight, the grass must learn to bend rather than break." In the great power games of the 21st century, this resilient philosophy of survival may well be the key to Southeast Asia's continued prosperity and stability.

Sender: Jesse Ning(APEI)